Tuesday, 9 February 2010

News

PRESS RELEASE

Please refer to:
Steven Sim, Executive Secretary, scheekeong[at]gmail[dot]com, +6012 5907 507

Thursday, 4 February, 2010 | Penang, Malaysia

THE NETWORK OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN ASIA ESTABLISHES REGIONAL SECRETARIAT IN PENANG, MALAYSIA

The Network of Social Democracy in Asia is pleased to announce the establishment of our regional secretariat in Penang, Malaysia. The decision was made following the Network’s 2nd Regional Conference held in Penang November last year.

The Network’s Steering Committee meeting in Kuala Lumpur this week finalized the decision to select Penang as the location of our secretariat due to the state’s vibrant civil society and democratic culture. The State Government of Penang which was elected into office in the Country’s March 2008 General Election has also been commended both nationally and internationally for its progressive reform agenda.

The Network of Social Democracy in Asia is a group of political parties, pre-party formations, progressive politicians, scholars and activists in the region who share social democratic values and perspectives. Members aim to establish a permanent dialogue to exchange experiences and learning in advocating for reforms along social democratic lines and to encourage democratic and participatory party-building. Member-party from Malaysia is the Democratic Action Party, a partner in the People’s Pact which formed the main Opposition in the Malaysian Parliament.

The Steering Committee is also pleased to announce the appointment of Mr. Steven Sim Chee Keong as the Executive Secretary overseeing the operation of the secretariat. Mr. Sim has many years of experience in local politics and has served as aide to Members of Parliament and more recently to the Penang State Government.

More information about the Network can be found in our website at www.socdem.asia

Steven Sim Chee Keong
Executive Secretary
Network of Asian Social Democrats
www.socdem.asia


Conference Paper: Regional Conference of the Network of Social Democracy in Asia

Conference Paper:
Regional Conference of the Network of Social Democracy in Asia
November 19-22, 2009, Penang, Malaysia

Conference Programme

Conference Summary by Norbert von Hofmann

Conference Paper: Public Transportation – The Way to Go by Lim Mah Hui

Conference Paper: Social Protection by Maris dela Cruz


Regional Conference of the Network of Social Democracy in Asia “Effecting Real Change in Local Governance: Perspectives for Social Democratic Policies”

Date: 19 – 22 November 2009

Venue: Parkroyal, Penang, Malaysia

Draft Program

The conference continues the process of strengthening political groups in the region committed to the basic values of social democracy that started with the first meeting of the network in Manila in May 2009. At the conference, an exchange and  identification of  local governance practices that both shape the approach to participatory politics and the delivery of services and public goods will describe the sessions.  Sharing on how these local governance practices  contribute to the building of progressive political parties along social-democratic lines will also be facilitated.


What Accounts for Success in Participatory Governance?

Denden Alicias, July 20091
Participatory governance processes have mushroomed around the world but a number of
studies have already pointed out to the failures of sustaining the participatory projects and
in empowering ordinary citizens.  In this article, I draw attention to a complicated set of
enabling  factors  for  success  in participatory governance.   The  insights and  lessons  here
are  culled  from  the  studies  of  Rebecca  Abers  on  the  internationally  acclaimed
participatory budget policy in Porto Alegre, Brazil.  With the rise of progressive political
parties  in  Southeast  Asia,  coupled  with  the  introduction  of  participatory  governance
spaces  in  conjunction  with  decentralization,  the  insights  from  Porto  Alegre  may  be
helpful in thinking about local governance transformations in the region.
?  A  dual  process  of  commitment  building  is  necessary  for  the  success  of
participatory institutions.
State  actors  (politicians  and  bureaucrats)  and  ordinary  citizens  should  be motivated  to
support,  take  part  in,  and  respect  participatory  processes.   Without  the motivation  and
commitment, polices are unlikely to be empowered and participatory.
Taking a  realistic  view of  the motivations of  state actors, Abers  (n.d., 2000) argues  that
political will is not enough.  Reform efforts of progressive state actors create political and
practical  burdens  that,  more  often  than  not,  they  cannot  withstand.    Politically,  the
attempt to transfer power to a forum, where ordinary citizens can make decisions, means
taking power away from those that have it and who also possess the resources and ability
to  resist  such  change.   Practical  problems  also  arise  in  participatory  process  especially
when  the  state administration pushing  it  is  inefficient and  lack  funding.    “Participatory
decision-making  requires money  to organize  the process and  financial, operational, and
legal capacity to implement its results”. Denden Alicias, July 20091
Participatory governance processes have mushroomed around the world but a number of
studies have already pointed out to the failures of sustaining the participatory projects and
in empowering ordinary citizens.  In this article, I draw attention to a complicated set of
enabling  factors  for  success  in participatory governance.   The  insights and  lessons  here
are  culled  from  the  studies  of  Rebecca  Abers  on  the  internationally  acclaimed
participatory budget policy in Porto Alegre, Brazil.  With the rise of progressive political
parties  in  Southeast  Asia,  coupled  with  the  introduction  of  participatory  governance
spaces  in  conjunction  with  decentralization,  the  insights  from  Porto  Alegre  may  be
helpful in thinking about local governance transformations in the region.
?  A  dual  process  of  commitment  building  is  necessary  for  the  success  of
participatory institutions.
State  actors  (politicians  and  bureaucrats)  and  ordinary  citizens  should  be motivated  to
support,  take  part  in,  and  respect  participatory  processes.   Without  the motivation  and
commitment, polices are unlikely to be empowered and participatory.
Taking a  realistic  view of  the motivations of  state actors, Abers  (n.d., 2000) argues  that
political will is not enough.  Reform efforts of progressive state actors create political and
practical  burdens  that,  more  often  than  not,  they  cannot  withstand.    Politically,  the
attempt to transfer power to a forum, where ordinary citizens can make decisions, means
taking power away from those that have it and who also possess the resources and ability
to  resist  such  change.   Practical  problems  also  arise  in  participatory  process  especially
when  the  state administration pushing  it  is  inefficient and  lack  funding.    “Participatory
decision-making  requires money  to organize  the process and  financial, operational, and
legal capacity to implement its results”.

Denden Alicias, July 2009

Participatory governance processes have mushroomed around the world but a number of studies have already pointed out to the failures of sustaining the participatory projects and in empowering ordinary citizens.  In this article, I draw attention to a complicated set of enabling  factors  for  success  in participatory governance.   The  insights and  lessons  here are  culled  from  the  studies  of  Rebecca  Abers  on  the  internationally  acclaimed participatory budget policy in Porto Alegre, Brazil.  With the rise of progressive political parties  in  Southeast  Asia,  coupled  with  the  introduction  of  participatory  governance spaces  in  conjunction  with  decentralization,  the  insights  from  Porto  Alegre  may  be helpful in thinking about local governance transformations in the region.

  • A  dual  process  of  commitment  building  is  necessary  for  the  success  of participatory institutions.

State  actors  (politicians  and  bureaucrats)  and  ordinary  citizens  should  be motivated  to support,  take  part  in,  and  respect  participatory  processes.   Without  the motivation  and commitment, polices are unlikely to be empowered and participatory.

Taking a  realistic  view of  the motivations of  state actors, Abers  (n.d., 2000) argues  that political will is not enough.  Reform efforts of progressive state actors create political and practical  burdens  that,  more  often  than  not,  they  cannot  withstand.    Politically,  the attempt to transfer power to a forum, where ordinary citizens can make decisions, means taking power away from those that have it and who also possess the resources and ability to  resist  such  change.   Practical  problems  also  arise  in  participatory  process  especially when  the  state administration pushing  it  is  inefficient and  lack  funding.    “Participatory decision-making  requires money  to organize  the process and  financial, operational, and legal capacity to implement its results”.

To read more, click here.


Liberalisation of Financial Services: FTAs in the Context of the Financial Crisis

by: Fawaz Abd Aziz

Roots and Spread of Financial Crisis

After the sub-prime mortgage crisis in the US first burst into the headlines of mainstream newspapers in June 2007[1], there have been two general categories of the many discussions that have taken place regarding the roots of the global financial – and now, economic – crisis, both of which views are important but do not usually get discussed together. It is crucial to see the importance of their interaction – the dynamics of one on the other – rather than either in isolation.

One view can be labeled the ‘temporary excess’ point of view which, to put it plainly, argues that greed leading to excessive risk-taking, lax regulations, excessive overzealous brokerage and rating agencies caused the crisis we have on our hands today. To resolve the crisis, therefore, efforts should be made to fix, ‘tweak’, and improve upon the technical aberrations of what is – to those who subscribe to this view – an otherwise perfect financial system. This view is not completely incorrect, though it is incomplete.

The other view, the ‘aggregate demand generation’ point of view believes there is as a root cause – a  systemic, structural flaw in the whole system of capitalist-driven finance that led to the global financial crisis. We believe that flaw lies in the problem of income inequality. As we shall see below, tackling the root, structural cause is of utmost importance if we are to prevent – or at least mitigate – future financial crises of the nature we are going through today. As Thomas I. Palley, the then-assistant director of public policy of AFL-CIO, put it when talking about yet another financial crisis that occurred in the US eight years ago:


[1] The crisis in the financial sector was foreseen by a number of analysts – such as Jomo KS, others in the United Nations and International Monetary Fund, Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz and analysts such as Nouriel Roubini – and forgotten, whereas the structural crisis was warned about by many others – such labour rights advocates such as the International Labour Organisation and the AFL-CIO – and ignored.

To read more, click here.